10/10/17

Congress Dishonors the Military

As the right-wing fever swamps boil over with outrage about NFL players taking a knee during the national anthem as a way to protest police brutality, an actual display of truly unpatriotic behavior has gone largely unacknowledged. The GOP-controlled legislative branch is slapping the US military across the face. And this is not the typical slap of failing to provide excellent medical and mental-health care to veterans or sitting idly as the country allows a warrior caste to take shape. This is a slap directed at two military officers in particular: Secretary of Defense James Mattis and White House Chief of Staff John Kelly.

US Republican Senator Bob Corker recently said that Mattis and Kelly (and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson) are keeping the country from chaos because they are containing President Trump’s more dangerous impulses. If Sen. Corker’s assertion is correct, then the Legislature has essentially abdicated its responsibility as a co-equal branch of government to act as a check on the Executive, and has handed that monumental task over to two military officers (and one ex-CEO). That strikes me as a wildly disrespectful and shameful display of buck-passing. Haven’t these military officers given enough? They’ve dedicated their entire lives to serving the nation, and now they are expected to save the world from calamity by restraining the president, perhaps through the exercise of extraconstitutional powers, because the Legislature is afraid of angry tweets or losing a primary fight? It is a pathetic display of moral cowardice.

Republicans are supposed to be “strong on national security.” But when the threat is coming from within—a threat the GOP nurtured, endorsed and supported—the GOP expects the military to save them from their own astonishing failures of conscience. There are myriad actions the Legislature can and should take to contain Trump if he poses a risk to the country. Hoping Mattis, Kelly, and Tillerson can keep Trump from starting World War III long enough to pass tax cuts for the donor class, after which the GOP can focus on curtailing Trump’s ability to launch a nuclear strike or slow-walk us into war 140 characters at a time, is a profoundly cynical calculation—even for this borderline-nihilistic Congress.

I did not serve in the military. My father, who served in the Air Force, suggested I enlist; but I declined because, to be frank, I am a coward. But looking at this Congress—with very few exceptions—I have never felt so brave.

9/24/17

Coach Trump Gives the Nation's Worst Pep Talk

Not to be lost in the debate about Trump's recent comments about NFL players' First Amendment rights (or lack thereof if our president gets his way) is the following comment he made during the same rally in Alabama: “Today if you hit too hard—15 yards! Throw him out of the game! They had that last week. I watched for a couple of minutes. Two guys, just really, beautiful tackle. Boom, 15 yards! The referee gets on television—his wife is sitting at home, she’s so proud of him. They’re ruining the game! They’re ruining the game. That’s what they want to do. They want to hit! They want to hit. It is hurting the game.” (This coming from a man whose chosen athletic indulgence is golf—the one sport that involves a ride in a tiny car between bouts of exertion.)

In the midst of a serious debate about players' risk of CTE from head injuries, Trump derides caution and concern for players' safety and instead champions a celebration of brutality for brutality's sake. It is a perfect encapsulation of his mindset: damn the consequences to "regular people" as long as his penchant for violence is satiated.

Donald Trump does not see these men as individuals with minds and ideas and concerns. They are not members of a community; they are not sons and fathers; they are not capable of emotion beyond the aggression and ecstasy they show on the field. Nor are they Americans. They are meat—disposable piles of muscle and bone to be used for our amusement. 

I don't think I would be out of line to assume that he sees all of us that way. We are all things. Objects. Abstractions whose worth depends solely on the amount of adulation we offer him.

I was thrilled today to see line after line of powerful men of color and their allies, strong in body and spirit, standing up for the rights of all Americans. They displayed purpose and dedication to country. If only our president could do the same.

8/22/17

Trump Voters Prove I Am Going to Hell


As a Midwesterner who grew up in the Catholic faith, I was fairly certain by the time I was ten years old that I was going to Hell. The assessment was based on my own fatalistic tendencies (fully ingrained even by the tender age of ten), a brand of bleak acquiescence about one’s station that is familiar to those who grow up in certain corners of the Midwest, and most importantly, an inability to obtain a definitive answer to the question of what God demands of us. When the consequence for misinterpreting God’s will is eternal damnation, one longs for certainty and specificity. The Church offers many things; certainty and specificity are not among them. 

I was told that God loved me, but that didn’t square with the vengeful being presented in the Old Testament. And the New Testament’s central takeaway—that God killed his son to save humanity—felt needlessly cruel considering that an omniscient being’s options for doing anything, including redeeming a people, are limitless. From Genesis onward, God never seemed to lack for big ideas, but they often seemed to ooze sadism. Overall, God’s message of love always struck me as not that dissimilar from the impassioned, manipulative tirade a violent alcoholic would spew right after kidnapping his own kid at gunpoint: “I don’t want to hurt you, so do what I say and everything will be okay. This is for your own good—you know I love you, right?” 

Conflicting answers to my questions about what a mercurial and violent God demands led me to conclude that salvation for anyone is slim—myself included. But presuming you’re doomed in the next life doesn’t entitle you to be a total pill in this one. My parents were adamant that empathy was strength and that one should strive to embrace even those who would do you harm. This was not a platitude they espoused; this was a value they expressed through deeds. And while I have sometimes faltered in following their example, fantastically so in some instances, I have done my damnedest to make empathy central to my moral identity. To love thine enemy is the one Christian tenet I embraced as much as a mortal of limited vision can. My capacity for empathy was evidence that salvation was not beyond my reach. But that was before the election of Donald J. Trump exposed me for who I truly am. 

Donald Trump is a vile human being: willfully ignorant, racist, dishonest, arrogant, violent—a living caricature of the “ugly American.” I hate him. For those who see him as I do, that hatred is understandable. It is a forgivable sin. But the other hatred I harbor is more damning—one that should not be expressed in polite company: I hate Trump supporters. In my heart of hearts, I believe they deserve all the scorn and contempt one can bring to bear.

Many on the left have wrung their hands and asked that we extend empathy to Trump supporters, work to understand their frustrations, and seek common purpose. It is a wonderful position. It is the correct one, and I desperately want to share it. But I do not. I am too angry to extend my hand to those who used their democratic vote—a vote that countless people have bled and died to preserve—to elevate to the presidency a dangerous narcissist who has absolutely no respect for our democratic system of government. What common purpose can I hope to share with people who knowingly embraced a man whose campaign was predicated on exploiting fear and stoking racial hatred? How can one reach a place of understanding when objective reality itself is massaged to align with one’s suspicions and prejudices?

Throughout my life, I have forgiven many people for a variety of abuses to which they subjected me. I did this because it was a step on the road to healing, because I have been forgiven for my many transgressions despite my not being worthy of forgiveness, and because it was the Christian thing to do. I thought my capacity for forgiveness was almost boundless, and I patted myself on the back for my own magnanimity. These past several months have revealed just how dark my impulses can be, for in my heart of hearts I believe that if every Trump voter fell off the face of the Earth tomorrow, the world would be a far better place. It is an ugly judgement to render, morally reprehensible and counterproductive to the cause of progress, but I can’t shake loose from it. Blind hatred has so consumed me that I now share with Trump’s most ardent supporters a quality within them that I have vociferously condemned: a weakness of spirit that allows fear to overwhelm rationality and that encourages the justification of the indefensible—the dehumanization of the other. It is also proof that my capacity for empathy was little more than a mirage, a conception of myself that I gazed upon with self-congratulatory awe but that disappeared the moment its need was paramount. Now I am confronted by a horrific realization: I will not burn because God is a cruel being; I will burn because I am a cruel being. I will burn because I deserve to burn.

At least my damnation won’t come as a surprise. My guess is that many of Trump’s supporters, especially of the white Evangelical variety, will be shocked to find themselves condemned to eternal suffering. While I would never presume to know what God or his son wants, I can’t imagine that Jesus, an impoverished religious minority with brown skin, would be fond of those who elevated to power a man quite vocal in his contempt for the impoverished, religious minorities, and people with brown skin. That said, I doubt that self-righteous liberal elitists will occupy the same circle of Hell as racist authoritarian enablers, which in a certain respect is a shame. Even in Hell, bound by the same tortuous existence and screaming the same desperate pleas for forgiveness that will forever go unanswered, I and those Trump voters I so greatly despise will remain worlds apart, never able to empathize with the other’s fear and pain.

3/22/17

Alternatives to a “Big, Beautiful Wall”

Donald Trump has bragged about building a “big, beautiful wall” to protect the southern border. (He has also stated that “nobody builds walls better than me,” a claim the Chinese, East Germans, and Roger Waters would probably dispute.) His budget requests $4.1 billion to begin design and construction, although the Department of Homeland Security estimates that the total cost will be upwards of $21 billion.

Even fans of President Trump think his BBW is a better shtick than it is a solution. Border Patrol agent and Donald Trump supporter Chris Cabrera, who has worked along areas of the border where walls and fences are already present, said as much on a recent episode of This American Life: “We put an 18-foot wall up. The next day, we had 19-foot ladders all over the place. It got so bad.”

So, if President Trump insists on blowing several billion dollars on something that is almost sure to fail, why not bypass “big” and go straight to “crazy”? (That’s kind of his brand anyway.) Below are some thought starters…

A Moat

Everyone loves a moat. It conjures foreboding and the sense that a dragon attack is imminent. It also has a certain European milieu, which is almost as classy as gilding everything in gold leaf. Trump could build a giant robot dragon to patrol the border and attack anyone attempting to cross the moat. (I’m fairly certain that nobody builds giant robot dragons better than Donald Trump.) The dragon should be racist.

Robot Army

Why build one robot dragon when you can build a robot army? Of course, if people know anything, they know that a robot army will eventually turn on its creators, so this should be a low-rent endeavor—nothing too sophisticated. Less T-1000 from Terminator 2 and more Box from Logan’s Run (a robot that looks like the offspring of Destro and an LG refrigerator). Make a few hundred thousand of them and arm them with zip guns. To keep costs low, it would be best to manufacture the robots in Mexico. The robots should be racist.

Destro + LG refrigerator = Box
Destro + LG refrigerator = Box
Human Chain
Other tidbits that aren’t fleshed out but that have potential:
  • Wall of Flame
  • Self-contained Poison Gas Cloud
  • Giant, Irradiated Killer Ant People
  •  River of Acid
  • Real-life Phantom Zone
If you have any other ideas, please let me know. I would love to compile a list of suggestions to send to President Trump and Secretary of Homeland Security, John Kelly.    


Let’s employ Trump’s army of red-hat warriors to link arms along the southern border, forming a human chain that combines the fecklessness of Hands Across America with the moral clarity of The Human Centipede. It would be ideal if the people are racist, but more vital is their ability to stand for long hours.

Scorpion Pit

This is simply a retread of the moat idea, except we brand the moat as a pit and fill it with scorpions (or snakes or tarantulas or the Breitbart News Editorial Board—anything that’s venomous and devoid of conscience).

Zombie Zone

Observers of American popular culture will argue that the zombie trend is on the wane, but so was overt racism before Trump resurrected it (pardon the pun). Who knows—perhaps the liberal, elite lamestream media is underestimating the affection that white, working-class Americans have for re-animated corpses. Only one way to find out: create a Zombie Zone where the dead are free to eat anyone trying to cross the border illegally. (Like climate change, there is no consensus within the scientific community on the existence of zombies or how human activity may or may not contribute to the raising of the dead—the issue requires more study and debate.) At the very least, America can stick a few million heads on pikes along the border.

Ray Guns

RAY GUNS! Is it a high-tech, dystopian law enforcement solution that combines the brute horror of Judge Dredd with the technological prowess of Silicon Valley? No, because that’s totally unrealistic. Easier to hire a bunch of guys named Ray to stand at the border and shoot anything that moves. (Or we hire people who want the gig and are willing to change their name to Ray—kinda like the Ramones.)

Miscellaneous




3/12/17

People I Have Met Who Are More Qualified Than Donald Trump to Be President

Before the 2016 election, almost every major news outlet and publication, including those with traditionally conservative leanings, endorsed Hillary Clinton. The primary argument was that while some of Hillary Clinton’s actions were ethically suspect, she was informed, qualified, and normal (or at least as normal as people who want to be president can be). Yet over 62 million adults used their democratic vote to elect the first candidate to run as an autocrat because, you know, change.

As rational people begin to re-examine the wisdom of handing the nuclear codes to a man whose brain is the equivalent of a gaggle of angry leprechauns humping an old-timey carousel, I thought it would be a good exercise to come up with a list of people I’ve met who would be more qualified to be president than Donald Trump. On one hand, this is not especially challenging, because Donald Trump is so uniquely unqualified to be president; on the other hand, it’s incredibly challenging, because I avoid going outside and meeting people.

1)    Every adult member of my extended family
Every member of my family is a hard-working American who grew up in a middle class household. Not one of them is an overt racist or a pathological liar who sows discord with every utterance. Every member of my family is capable of feeling emotions not rooted exclusively in either anger or self-pity. And as far as I know, no one in my family is a self-admitted sexual predator. Each one of them already clears the bar America has set for the elected leader of the free (at least for now) world.

2)    My two-year-old daughter
My daughter throws fewer tantrums than our president. She is aware that other people exist and that her actions affect them physically and emotionally—because that is the kind of thing you learn when you are two years old and don’t show signs of being a malignant narcissist. Most importantly, her cognitive abilities are still developing, so it is fair to assume that she will only get better at her job. Donald Trump is 70 and believes global warming is a hoax created by the Chinese to harm American manufacturing.

3)    Every dead-eyed, hollowed-out marketer with whom I’ve had the displeasure of working
Donald Trump is much better at cultivating the image of being successful than he is at actually being successful. In other words, he’s a marketer first and a businessman second. I have been in marketing for over fifteen years, and in that time I have worked with many creative, caring, thoughtful people who believe their work helps turn the wheels of free enterprise. I have also worked with a few petty, soulless narcissists who believe in nothing beyond their own greatness; but even among those wretched souls, not one has been a petty, soulless, narcissist who believes in nothing beyond his own greatness AND who is also a whining, ignorant incompetent. No can have those qualities and remain employed (unless, of course, they are bequeathed a company to sit atop).

4)    Any of my friends
I don’t have many friends. The friends I do have I see very infrequently—so infrequently, in fact, that the people I refer to as “friends” probably refer to me as “a colleague” or “an acquaintance” or “who?”. Be that as it may, they are all intelligent, empathetic folks who have a basic appreciation for civil society—probably because, unlike certain individuals who are handed a fortune that they leverage to buy their way out of trouble, my friends are forced to live within society’s rules and general constraints. None of my friends have ever openly praised murderous dictators (and my friends live in New York City, a sanctuary for eight million pinko commie liberals trying to destroy America). Also, all of my friends are human beings who acknowledge the basic humanity of other human beings, because most people make an effort to not be totally evil.

5)    Me
I have no experience in government or the military, which is now apparently an asset rather than a liability. (Who would’ve thought people would favor someone to have complete authority over something in which said person has no experience?) I have very little charisma—so little charisma that my wife’s friend has introduced himself to me at least six times over the past eight years with a friendly “nice to meet you.” I’m not popular in any social circle, not even my own (see number four, above). And finally, in case it’s not already painfully obvious, I don’t think very highly of myself. Yet I believe I would make a better president than Donald Trump, largely because I believe almost anyone who’s halfway intelligent, has some sense of empathy, and doesn’t subscribe to wild conspiracy theories would make a better president than Donald Trump.

After spending several days compiling this list, I have come to the conclusion that anybody with whom I can remember having a coherent, informed conversation is more qualified to be president than our current president—most likely because they were capable of having a coherent, informed conversation. The saddest revelation here is that my situation is unremarkable. As previously stated, I’m a mediocre individual. There are of millions of Americans who are just as painfully average as me, all of whom surround themselves with generally competent people who don’t live in their own self-imposed cocoon of delusional grandiosity, creating a pool of tens of millions of people more qualified to be president than Donald Trump.


Kids, the next time an adult gets down on one knee and looks you in the eye and says, “You could be President of the United States,” it may not be an affirmation intended to encourage you onward, but rather an assessment of your qualifications right now.

2/22/17

New York Dreams and the Trump Reality

Trump poster
Skinny, soft-spoken pre-teen boys with artistic proclivities often envision themselves in faraway places, real or imagined, reborn as accepted versions of their best, truest selves. Believing they’ll somehow make it to their desired shores allows them to carry forward. Hope is powerful fuel for any escape attempt. 

When I was growing up in the suburbs of Milwaukee, WI, my faraway place to which I hoped to flee was New York. Anything that featured New York was unassailable magic: the intro to Saturday Night Live, the song “Human Nature” by Michael Jackson, the exterior shots in Ghostbusters. The Midwestern suburbs where I spent my youth felt like endless plateaus of wearisome expansion devoid of expression—beige graveyards for the living. I imagined New York to be a spring of life: endless rows of buildings reaching skyward, subways forever rumbling below, and all of the city’s occupants clawing their way toward greatness at the center of the world.

My parents instilled in me a classic Midwestern, “small ‘r’ Republican” work ethic and belief in personal responsibility. While other kids were saving money for a car, I was working as a cook—occasionally full time—to pay my private high school tuition. I then put myself through college. Upon graduation, I moved to New York. My first year was typical of new twenty-something transplants with Bachelors degrees and parents without the financial means to help subsidize the adventure: I lived with two other people in a tiny apartment (ours had no common living space), which was over-priced and in a relatively undesirable location. We usually had no money by the end of the month, so until payday we survived on dollar hotdogs and very cheap pizza without toppings. However, we were surrounded by discovery and history. Every day I walked through Grand Central Station; every day I heard someone speaking a language I didn’t speak, or I noticed someone reading a newspaper in a language I didn’t understand; every day I travelled underground, sandwiched between people who were poorer than I’ve ever been and richer than I will ever be. It was beautiful and it was brutal.

For many, the brutality of the city eventually overpowers the beauty. The pace is too fast, the competition is too fierce, and the literal cost is too high. After a year or two or three, the grind becomes too much and they move away. New York is many things, but it is not sympathetic. An early mentor of mine once said, “To succeed in New York means surviving New York.”

I eventually moved to Staten Island to a cheap apartment I could afford on my own. For almost a year, I took the Staten Island Ferry to and from work every day. I would sit outside so I could watch the Manhattan skyline advance on approach and recede on departure. One morning as the Ferry was approaching Manhattan, I was sitting against one of the poles on the front of the Ferry, reading the latest issue of The Nation, and I heard a pop. I stood up and saw that the North Tower of the World Trade Center was on fire. Black smoke billowed upward in giant plumes, and I imagined those dark clouds carrying hundreds of souls to heaven. I knew the Towers had been attacked before, but why would terrorists put a bomb near the top of the tower? A gas explosion seemed like the most logical possibility. The Ferry continued to drift toward Manhattan, and I found myself surrounded by people looking up at the Towers in silence. The woman next to me was clutching something attached to the end of a thin gold necklace. I assumed it was a crucifix, but I didn’t ask. After we docked, everyone spilled out of the Ferry just like every other day, except after leaving the Whitehall Terminal and scattering to wherever we were headed next, we walked through a mass of people screaming into their phones over the sounds of sirens from police cars and fire trucks. I kept my head down and walked to the subway. Best to stay out of the way and let the professionals do their jobs. I ducked into the subway station and got on a train. A few minutes after we left the station, the second plane struck the South Tower.

The days that followed 9/11 were ones of intense emotion: anger, grief, confusion. And there was the fear that more attacks were imminent. We became acquainted with new terminology, such as “dirty bombs,” and there was talk about possible large-scale chemical or nuclear attacks. Many people spoke openly about picking up and leaving.

New York had always been my dream. I had worked constantly for almost a decade of my young life simply for the chance to make a home for myself there, to be a speck in its mythology; and even if I was never to contribute something significant to its greatness, then at least I’d be there to witness the greatness that others contributed. New York was my safe harbor, where a freak among freaks was normal, instead of Midwestern suburbia where a freak among normals was freakish. New York was my spring of life, and suddenly it felt like a tomb whose lid was closing.

A few weeks later, I packed up my clothes and the few pieces of second-hand, third-rate furniture I had, and I moved. But rather than retreat from the city, I moved closer to it. I found a little apartment in Park Slope, Brooklyn, the neighborhood I have called home ever since. If there was to be another attack, one more massive than the last, I wanted to be closer so I could help its people or at least die with them. It wasn’t that I wouldn’t leave New York; I couldn’t leave it. For all its flaws, I loved it too much to let it go.

When he announced his recent Muslim ban, President Trump said, “We will never forget the lessons of 9/11 . . .” I for one never did.

I will never forget the softening of a city that had previously felt so callous, the kindness people showed one another, and the immense gratitude we felt for the first responders. I will never forget how the whole world, including Muslim-majority countries, mourned with us. I will never forget how my boss’s daughter, whom I barely knew, let me sleep on her couch the night of the attack because I couldn’t get home and I had nowhere else to go. I will never forget how politicians from both sides of the aisle spoke of unity and the need to not condemn an entire people, an entire faith, for the horrific acts of a perverted few. I will never forget that we held together and bound our wounds and continued forward. I will never forget that New York, the gateway to America, remained open.    

When he announced the Muslim ban, President Trump slammed that gateway, and, in so doing, he tore American families apart, he kept people from receiving life-saving surgery, and he punished those who had played by the rules—people who had spent years being vetted in order to start their new lives here. With his ban, Donald Trump, a New Yorker, ripped open the wound those nineteen hijackers inflicted, exposing America’s worst exclusionary instincts. By weaponizing fear, he attempted to finish what the terrorists started.

Those of us who move to New York often move with nothing other than our wits and our determination. We live in cramped, expensive, crappy spaces; and if we’re lucky and we work our fingers to the bone for many years, we’re able to afford a cramped, expensive space that isn’t as crappy. We move here to find belonging. We move here to carve out a future in a city with a rich American legacy. We work ever-increasing hours for less and less money—just like everyone else in America—amidst skyrocketing prices simply for the honor of calling this city home. Yet we’re tarred as “coastal elites” (whatever that means) by the same powerful people who invoke “the tragedy of 9/11” to enact discriminatory policies, such as the Muslim ban, that most New Yorkers loathe and that puts our city in greater danger by acting as a recruitment tool for terrorist groups.

Donald Trump is the embodiment of New York’s brutality: its materialism, casual apathy, and narcissistic tendencies. If President Trump is a physical manifestation of New York’s brutality, New York’s protesters, activists, and their supporters represent its beauty: its unrelenting commitment to the idea that all should be welcomed into the city’s embrace and its fearless defense of all of New York’s people, regardless of immigration status, creed, color, sex, orientation, or socio-economic status.

My mentor was right: to succeed in New York means surviving New York. And no one can do that alone—not in New York, not anywhere. Not anymore.

1/31/17

Be a Man — Follow the Women

There are certain attributes American society considers more masculine than others; but sadly, I possess few of them:
  • Neither my jaw nor my body is particularly chiseled, and I’m not a large man. I’ve only been in one physical fight; it was brief and quite painful.
  • I don’t know how to load or fire a gun with proficiency. My uncle once took me hunting when I was a boy, and I shot a bird. It didn’t make me feel like a man so much as it made me feel like a dick who shot a bird.
  • There are men who can grow tremendous amounts of hair. I am not one of them. A girl in college once asked if I shave my armpits. She also laughed at me for referring to “pear cider” as “beer.”
  • I don’t know how to drive. In addition to being unmanly, this is wholly un-American and completely impractical.
  • I avoid sports bars, especially when any game of regional significance is on. I find it terrifying that the collective mood of an inebriated mass will swing wildly because someone dropped a ball.
  • I don’t like doing things outdoors, which includes camping, fishing, and swimming in bodies of water containing animals that perceive me as a potential food source.
In essence, I am a hairless, physically unimpressive male specimen with no survival skills who doesn’t like to go outdoors and, even if I did, couldn’t get very far because I can’t drive.

But on January 21st, 2017, I did something very manly: I stood shoulder to shoulder with women.

Maybe it wasn’t “manly”; maybe it was simply “moral.” But perhaps American masculinity should do more to emphasize fundamental moral principles: “do unto others” and such. I think most Godless liberal heathens would favor that, and, while I don’t have my finger on the pulse of white, conservative Christian America, I think folks whose moral beacon is a chiseled, bearded, roguish-looking, male deity could be persuaded.


A healthy dose of thoughtful compassion would do wonders to balance American masculinity’s emphasis on forceful action. I’m not suggesting that traditionally masculine things such as stalking animals through the forest and crushing beer cans on one’s head are without merit. (I can’t do either because I’m afraid of ticks and I bruise easily.) But women expect more from us males, especially at this perilous moment in history, and we should demand more of ourselves. If men don’t put in the effort to help lift women up and bridge the divide, then women have every right to tear us down and rip us a new one.